Pacific Islander Mikyoans
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This public article was written by StrawberryMilk, and last updated on 22 Apr 2020, 19:35.
14. Marie Kang
15. Mikyoan English
18. Mikyoan Spanish
21. Women in Mikyo
Pacific Islander Mikyoans
Taiwanese Indigenous woman in Gyumeipa-shima,
Outermost Islands County
122,003, 2.13% of the total population
(Mixed Pacific Islander Mikyoans not included)
Regions with Significant Populations
Mikyo (Outermost Islands, Gullu, Hatuma,
and Ishigagi City)
Mikyoan and Austronesian Languages
Christianity, Irreligious, Hinduism, and Buddhism
Although Pacific Islander Mikyoans have resided in Mikyo for hundreds of years, the number rapidly increased during the '90s and the early 2000s, however, the number of Pacific Islander Mikyoans living in the country has been decreasing in recent years due to emigration and an ageing population, numbering at 122,003 in 2019 as opposed to 125,583 in 2018.
For most of Mikyoan history, Pacific Islander Mikyoans referred to themselves specifically by their ethnic group (ex. 'Samoan' or 'Fijian'). This is still common among recent migrants from the Pacific Islands and with some younger Pacific Islander Mikyoans, particularly some activists. The various ethnic groups of the Pacific Islands were not grouped into one specific category until the First Mikyoan Census in 1950, which listed 'Oceanic' as one race category, which included most of what is today considered Pacific Islander Mikyoan Ethnicities as well as Indigenous Yaeyamas and Japanese Mikyoans.
Throughout the 20th century, the Mikyoan Census changed the name with which it referred to the category several times, changing from 'Oceanic' in 1950 to 'Oceanian' in 1960, to 'Austronesian' in 1970, to 'Oceanic' once more in 1990, and then to 'Pacific Islander Mikyoan' in 2000, which has been in use ever since.
The term "Pacific Islander Mikyoan" is relatively recent in its usage, dating back only to the 2000 Mikyoan Census, when it was changed from "Oceanic Mikyoan" to be more representative of the groups it intended to categorize, that being the people of Oceania excluding Indigenous Yaeyamas and Indigenous Australians. The term "Pacific Islander Mikyoan" was used specifically as the term "Pacific Islands" is used in Mikyo to refer to all islands in the Pacific Ocean east of China, the Ryukyus and Japan, Australia, and Indonesia as well as west of the North American and South American coasts. This definition has sometimes included Japan and the Philippines depending on the time period, however, today they are both classified as 'Asian', as opposed to 'Pacific Islands'.
Derogatory and Outdated Terms
Many Pacific Islander Mikyoans object to the usage of certain words, often ones which have a history of being used insultingly, pejoratively, or derogatorily. Some of these include 島野蠻人 doyamangying, 'island savage', 네구리토 negurito, 'negrito' (used specifically towards dark-skinned Pacific Islanders, loaned from Spanish 'negrito', used to describe many of the peoples of Southeast Asia), flower-heads/flower-necks (referring to the flower garlands or headpieces that some Pacific Islanders wear), and 바카치치, bakachichi (from 'Na Vosa Vakaviti', the name of the Fijian Language, but generally applied to all Pacific Islander Mikyoans). These words are all heavily discouraged, however, some of these words have entered mainstream Mikyoan speech, and are used to simply refer to Pacific Islander Mikyoans, often unbeknownst to the speaker that the word is a slur/derogatory.
As of January 1st, 2019, there are an estimated 122,003 Pacific Islander Mikyoans living in Mikyo, compared to 125,583 in 2018.
Mixing and intermarrying have been commonplace since the earliest Pacific Islander migrants to Mikyo, and a number of Mikyoans with Pacific Islander Ancestry are Multiracial. The number of Multiracial Pacific Islander Mikyoans is estimated to be 109,218 as of January 1st, 2019, meaning that Multiracial Pacific Islander Mikyoans make up 47.24% of all the people in Mikyo with whole or partial Pacific Islander Ancestry. Most Multiracial Pacific Islander Mikyoans are of mixed Asian, Turkic, or Indigenous Yaeyama descent, however, an increasingly common trend is Pacific Islander Mikyoans and African Mikyoans marrying. Multiracial Pacific Islander Mikyoans who are of mixed Asian, Turkic, or Indigenous Yaeyama descent make up the majority (>65%) of all Multiracial Pacific Islander Mikyoans.
Pacific Islander Mikyoans make up a significant part of the population in several counties, most notably Hatuma, the Outermost Islands, and Gullu, however, in most counties, they account for less than 10% of the population. Pacific Islander Mikyoans are the largest minority group in several counties.
• Illyomotei - 0.04% (1,053)
• Ishigagi - 2.39% (63,447)
• Hatelluma - 2.94% (1,992)
• Gohama - 3.06% (1,889)
• Allagusugu - 5.83% (2,108)
• Yongnagumei - 6.50% (6,013)
• Taketomei - 7.76% (3,680)
• Gullu - 21.11% (40,628)
• Outermost Islands - 22.78% (822)
• Hatuma - 23.38% (385)
• National - 2.13% (122,003)
Pacific Islander Mikyoans consist of many different people from varying ethnicities and groups, and the Mikyoan Census divides these groups into five groups:
• Taiwanese Pacific Islander Mikyoans, including Penghus, Taiwanese Aborigines, and Maavus
• Australasian Pacific Islander Mikyoans, including Māori, Cook Islanders, Tokelauans, and Nieuans
• Melanesian Pacific Islander Mikyoans, including Papuans, Fijians, and Ni-Vanuatu
• Micronesian Pacific Islander Mikyoans, including Chamorro, Palauans, Nauruans, and Marshallese
• Polynesian Pacific Islander Mikyoans, including Hawaiians, Tongans, and Samoans
There are also Multiracial and Mixed Pacific Islander Mikyoans, who may have ancestry within one race as well as one of these groups, or have ancestry from multiple of these groups.
The most common ethnic groups among Pacific Islander Mikyoans are:
• Penghu - 55,229 (45.27%)
• Fijian - 31,948 (26.19%)
• Taiwanese Aborigine - 12,658 (10.38%)
• Chamorro - 11,442 (9.38%)
• Samoan - 3,002 (2.46%)
• Maavu - 2,842 (2.33%)
Declining and Ageing Population
The population pyramid for Pacific Islander Mikyoans is much more heavily clustered towards the top of the pyramid when compared with other racial and ethnic groups in Mikyo. Whereas most racial groups have around a tenth to a sixth of the population over the age of 65, nearly a quarter of all Pacific Islander Mikyoans are over the age of 65. The number of Pacific Islander Mikyoans who are under the age of 64, and are leaving the country or having fewer kids are increasing, and has lead to a population decline. While this trend of Pacific Islander Mikyoans tending to be older and having fewer kids is not particularly new, it has not always been so thoroughly worried about as Pacific Islander immigration was increasingly common throughout the late 20th and the early 21st centuries. Today, however, return migration of Pacific Islander Mikyoans is becoming more common, and the number of immigrants from the Pacific Islands has stagnated, allowing the population to age and decrease steadily.
Pacific Islander Mikyoans originate from various different groups, and every group has a unique history of migration and settlement in Mikyo.
Pacific Islanders have historically lived in Mikyo for centuries, often as indentured servants and workers on sugar cane plantations. The oldest continuing sugar cane plantation in Mikyo, located in Hatelluma, has employed Pacific Islander Mikyoans as a majority or plurality of its workforce for over three hundred years. Plantation workers were primarily from Penghu, however, some Fijians, Chamorros, and Palauans also worked on sugarcane plantations. Pacific Islander work on sugarcane plantations increased significantly during the late 1800s and the early 1900s, and the number of Fijians and Chamorros specifically saw an increase.
The earliest established Pacific Islander Mikyoan community is located in Ishigagi and was established in 1742 by Penghu Mikyoans, however, it has since been demolished. The oldest surviving Pacific Islander Mikyoan community was established in northern Ishigagi in 1889 and is today the intersection of the historic and contemporary Pacific Islander Mikyoan communities located on the northern parts of Ishigagi. There are also sizeable communities of Pacific Islander Mikyoans in Gullu, the Outermost Islands, Hatuma (particularly in and surrounding the historic sugarcane plantations of the county), and Taketomei.
Historic Ghettoisation and Discrimination
As part of Mikyo's long and continuing history of harsh treatment towards ethnic and racial minorities, Pacific Islander Mikyoans were poorly treated especially upon arrival due to a multitude of factors. Literature and writing about the presence of Pacific Islander Mikyoans from the late 19th and early 20th centuries show that Pacific Islander Mikyoans were consistently considered to be ugly (often in reference to their darker skin than most Ethnic Mikyoans), submissive (due to their role in working on plantations), and less intelligent. Much of the contempt and negative associations with Pacific Islander Mikyoans was due to their similarities, linguistically, culturally, and appearance-wise, with the Indigenous Yaeyamas, another racial minority which has a history of being oppressed in Mikyo. These factors often lead to both individual discrimination, but also County-Level discrimination during the 1800s and early 1900s. In particular, Pacific Islander Mikyoans received treatment similar to that of Indigenous Yaeyamas, particularly ghettoisation. Pacific Islander Mikyoans who did not live on plantations (a demographic which grew steadily over the years) were often forced to live in the same communities as Indigenous Yaeyamas, or in nearby areas, which lead to a degree of cultural exchange between the two groups but also hostility from the rest of the Mikyoan population due to the ghettos negative image outside of the communities as unsanitary, impoverished places (despite the conditions in these communities being a direct result of their exclusion from the wider Mikyoan society.)
Migration from the Pacific did not significantly decrease at any point during the discrimination and ghettoisation period, however, the public perception of the incoming migrants and of the Pacific Islander Mikyoans already living in the country worsened, and often lead to harassment and attacks against incoming and new migrants, as well as Pacific Islander Mikyoans in general.
In some counties, restrictions on Pacific Islander migration were put into place, most notably in Illyomotei which once had the largest Pacific Islander Mikyoan population of any county, but saw a sharp decline after banning all incoming migrants from the Pacific and enforcing laws which criminalized the practice of may Pacific Islander religions and cultural practices. Most Pacific Islander Mikyoans left the county for Ishigagi and Gullu.
During the earliest years of the Yobosu Era, attitudes towards Pacific Islander Mikyoans changed. An opinion piece published in an Ishigagi Newspaper claimed the Penghu Mikyoans had become model citizens by upholding several families, which had largely assimilated to Mikyoan society and gone through higher education in Mikyo, as examples. This was widely praised by the Yobosu Regime, and propaganda and more writing on the success of Penghu Mikyoans became widespread and caused the perception of Pacific Islander Mikyoans as a whole to shift from outsiders to 'Mikyoan in all sense but skin colour'. The actual monetary and educational success of Pacific Islander Mikyoans had not changed significantly before and after the Yobosu Regime's rise to power, however, the success of a small minority lead to praise directed at the entire group, which elevated the status of Pacific Islander Mikyoans and allowed many to climb the social ladder.
As a result of the spread of propaganda and media which suddenly hailed Pacific Islander Mikyoans as a 'model minority', the education and work opportunities which Pacific Islander Mikyoans were exposed to suddenly increased exponentially, which allowed Pacific Islander Mikyoans to enter fields which had until then been limited to the Asian majority (particularly East Asians, such as Chinese, Japanese, and Mikyoans). This quickly caused Pacific Islander Mikyoans communities to become more gentrified, better educated, and higher income. Pacific Islander Mikyoans quickly joined Asian Mikyoans and Turkic Mikyoans in the new middle class which had been emerging during the Yobosu Era. It should be noted, however, that this affected light-skinned and Asian-passing Pacific Islander Mikyoans (such as Penghus, Taiwanese Aborigines, and mixed Pacific Islander Mikyoans) more than dark-skinned Pacific Islander Mikyoans. This also created the beauty standard of light skin and more 'East Asian' features in the Pacific Islander Mikyoan community, which still exists largely today. The stereotypes around Pacific Islander Mikyoans as suddenly hard working and well educated created a standard which viewed Pacific Islander Mikyoans as the 'model minority' and contributed to a system which used various minority groups against each other, as Pacific Islander Mikyoans were suddenly pushed into a space where they were benefitted by denying any privileges of their own or discrimination towards other groups, even when it was clearly present.
Migration During the 90s and Early 2000s
During the late 1990s and early 2000s, immigration from the Pacific increased primarily as a direct fall of the Yobosu Regime. As Mikyo reformed, a number of Pacific Islander Mikyoan citizens began to sponsor other family members to come to Mikyo and Mikyoan Universities began to offer more positions to international students, often targeting the Pacific heavily due to its historical ties to the region.
The number of Pacific Islander Mikyoans who were foreign-born grew from 8,273 to 35,055 between 1997 and 2005, representing an increase of 323.73% in less than a decade. As of recent years, however, the number of foreign-born Pacific Islander Mikyoans has been decreasing, due to a slow in incoming migration from the Pacific and an increase in return migration, particularly from Fijians, Chamorro, Samoans, and Hawaiians. Today there are 37,802 foreign-born Pacific Islander Mikyoans who account for 30.98% of all Pacific Islanders living in Mikyo.
Pacific Islander Mikyoans in the Modern Era
Treatment in Society
Pacific Islander Mikyoans are very limited in their portrayal in Mikyoan Media, particularly in television and film, as Pacific Islander Mikyoans are often portrayed simply as stereotypes, particularly as perverted businessmen, rich CEO's, ambitious students, and recent immigrants who speak broken Mikyoan with a heavy accent. Pacific Islander Mikyoans are seldom shown onscreen in more humane and natural roles, similarly to other racial and ethnic minorities in Mikyo.
In television and film, in particular, roles for Pacific Islander Mikyoan are not only degrading and limited but also very small in number. Roles which are specifically written for Pacific Islander Mikyoans are vanishing, and Pacific Islander Mikyoans are far less likely to get parts not written exclusively for Pacific Islander Mikyoans. Of the positive onscreen representation that does exist for Pacific Islander Mikyoans, it's almost entirely limited to light-skinned and Asian-passing Pacific Islander Mikyoans, which is a result of colorism and colonized beauty standards in the Pacific Islander Mikyoan community and by the wider Mikyoan society.
Model Minority Myth
Pacific Islander Mikyoans, and sometimes Turkic Mikyoans as well, are commonly treated as a "model minority", particularly in discussions about racial oppression and its intersections with class and poverty. The claim is that because Pacific Islander Mikyoans have managed to climb the social ladder by working hard and achieving higher levels of education in order to join Asian and Turkic Mikyoans in the middle class. Statistics at first tend to show higher incomes, higher educational attainment, lower rates of incarceration, and a higher life expectancy than other racial groups in Mikyo. The implication which follows is that other racial minorities which protest unfair treatment should instead work within the system in order to replicate results similar to Pacific Islander Mikyoans. This is, however, an inaccurate assessment of the socioeconomic status of Pacific Islander Mikyoans as it does not take into account the historic discrimination against Pacific Islander Mikyoans which still continues in some ways and does not consider how the Pacific Islander Mikyoan community was able to climb the social ladder due to a changing view from the wider Mikyoan society, which is not true for other racial groups.
This is, however, an incomplete assessment of the socio-economic situation that Pacific Islander Mikyoans are in. Not only does it fail to take into account the various inequalities between ethnicities in the Pacific Islander Mikyoan community, but it also fails to take into account the various inequalities which exist in ethnic groups alone. For example, among Penghu Mikyoans alone, the average income of men is over 24% higher than the average income of women. Across the different ethnic groups, however, the gap considerably widens, for example, the average household income for Penghu Mikyoans is MKD 1,222,738 MKY ($102,710 USD) whereas the average household income for Taiwanese Aborigine Mikyoans is 408,381 MKY ($34,304 USD) and 456,000 MKY ($45,864 USD) for Chamorro Mikyoans. This is obscured, however, as the average among all Pacific Islander Mikyoans is listed as 1,017,273 MKY ($85,451 USD).
Similarly, in reference to educational success, Pacific Islander Mikyoans are known to have extremely low rates of high school dropouts, as around 91% of all Pacific Islander Mikyoans over the age of 18 have completed high school, however this doesn't take into account that nearly 1 in 4 of Taiwanese Aborigine Mikyoans and 1 in 5 Chamorro Mikyoans above the age of 18 have not completed high school.
The "model minority" myth itself is more commonly criticized today, as Mikyo's continuing discussion around racism and its historical intersections with classism other oppressions becomes more inclusive and nuanced, however it is still often invoked by many proponents of the idea that Mikyo has completely done away with any racial discrimination and that contemporary reparations are unnecessary.
Low Voter Turnout
Voter turnout among eligible Pacific Islander Mikyoans tends to vary by year, however, it seldom exceeds 50% among adults during presidential elections and it has never exceeded 25% for primary elections. Several factors involving both physical and systemic barriers which contribute to the lower voter turnout of Pacific Islander Mikyoans are lack of proper transportation in order for Pacific Islander Mikyoans voters to make their way to polling places (as polling places), harassment, lack of a sufficient number of polling places in primarily Pacific Islander Mikyoan areas, inaccessibility of polling places (particularly for disabled voters and older voters, two groups which are both overrepresented among Pacific Islander Mikyoans in comparison to the national representation of both in other groups), and inconvenient placing of polling places. A significant factor in the low voter turnout of Pacific Islander Mikyoans, however, is disinterest among the community.
Political Affiliation among Pacific Islander Mikyoans is fairly evenly divided amongst three of the major parties, as around 27% of registered Pacific Islander Mikyoan voters are affiliated with the Progressive Party, 22% with the Liberal Party, 23% with the Conservative Party, and 28% with other parties or with no party at all. Among Pacific Islander Mikyoans who voted in the 2nd round of the 2018 Presidential Election, 67% voted for Ivan Nguo, and 33% voted for Gim Taiyit. During the 1st round of the 2018 Presidential Election, the Pacific Islander Mikyoan electorate was divided mainly by 42% voting for Ivan Nguo and 35% voting for Erica Tsai (a candidate from the Liberal Party).
Of the Pacific Islander Mikyoans who hold public office, the majority are members of the Progressive and Liberal parties.
Over-representation in Politics
Despite making up only around 2.13% of the Mikyoan population, Pacific Islander Mikyoans are greatly over-represented in politics and government, representing more than 15% of elected officials in 2019, due primarily due to their status as a 'model minority' in Mikyo. Pacific Islander Mikyoans have a significant advantage in entering politics in comparison to other minority racial and ethnic groups due to both a positive perception by the wider Mikyoan society and an average income which can advantageous in campaigning. Although the price of campaigning has been decreasing during recent years, the amount most Pacific Islander Mikyoan candidates spend on a campaign has not significantly decreased, rather it has increased by around 5-7% between 2013 and 2018.
Most Pacific Islander Mikyoans in politics and government are representatives at a county or district level. For example, of the 515 Seats in the Mikyoan National Council, 83 Seats (16.12%) are held by Pacific Islander Mikyoans, whereas only 27 (5.24%) were held by Middle-Eastern/North-African Mikyoans, a group which makes up a much larger portion of the total population.
Over-representation in Higher Education
Similar to Pacific Islander Mikyoans' over-representation in politics, the group also tends to be over-represented in higher education, particularly in elite universities and colleges. While Pacific Islander Mikyoans make up 2.13% of the population, they make up 18.45% of the students enrolled in the top five Mikyoan Universities, vastly out representing groups such as Middle-Eastern/North-African Mikyoans (7.29% of the population and 6.93% of students enrolled in the top universities), Multiracial Mikyoans (7.55% of the population and 9.25% of students enrolled in top universities), and Lyko Mikyoans (6.11% of the population and 4.92% of students enrolled in top universities.) Among researchers at top universities, Pacific Islander Mikyoans represent nearly a quarter of all researchers.
Social and Economic Disparities among Pacific Islander Mikyoans
As earlier mentioned, despite the average Pacific Islander Mikyoan family and personal incomes being significantly higher than the national average in Mikyo, upon further analysis this figure is less descriptive of all Pacific Islander Mikyoans and is more accurately just an average which does not tell the complete story.
Among ethnic groups, large economic disparities exist, for example, the average household income for Penghu Mikyoans is MKD 1,222,738 MKY ($102,710 USD) whereas the average household income for Taiwanese Aborigine Mikyoans is 408,381 MKY ($34,304 USD) and 456,000 MKY ($45,864 USD) for Chamorro Mikyoans. This is obscured as the average among all Pacific Islander Mikyoans is listed as 1,017,273 MKY ($85,451 USD). These ethnic disparities between Pacific Islander Mikyoans are present due to the diversity in experiences and history that the various groups have in Mikyo, for example, Penghu Mikyoans have been living in Mikyo for centuries and have largely assimilated to the nation due to a multitude of factors, whereas Taiwanese Aborigine Mikyoans have largely been discriminated against much in a similar way to Indigenous Yaeyama Mikyoans, and thus tend to be less wealthy or affluent as other groups. Recent documented immigrants, in comparison to recent undocumented immigrants, tend to outperform the latter, as within the Pacific Islander Mikyoan community it is a commonly held belief that documented immigration is for those that can afford it, and undocumented immigration is for those that need it.
Ethnic disparities are not only economic however, as the various ethnic groups also tend to have educational disparities. For example, while 93.66% of Penghu Mikyoans over the age of 18 have completed high school and a further 89.15% have attended some college or completed it, the same is not true for other ethnic groups, such as Taiwanese Aborigine Mikyoans (75.81% with a high school education and 44.42% with a college education) and Chamorro Mikyoans (80.26% with a high school education and 57.43% with a college education), which are overshadowed by the average among all Pacific Islander Mikyoans being 90.45% with a high school education and 81.93% with a college education.
Among gender divides, Pacific Islander Men are shown to be paid significantly more than Pacific Islander Women and Non-Binary and Transgender people. For example, among Penghu Mikyoans (the highest earning group), the average income of men is over 24% higher than the average income of women. The average income of Non-Binary and Transgender Pacific Islander Mikyoans tends to fall within 5-10% of the poverty line among all Pacific Islander Mikyoan ethnic groups.
Colorism has long been an issue in the Pacific Islander Mikyoan community, and historically its influence has been a key factor in various societal and cultural practices such as marriages, deciding community leaders, entering higher education and politics, and obtaining high paying jobs. Colorism, although not as prevalent in other Pacific Island countries, is pervasive both within immigrant and long existing Pacific Islander Mikyoan communities, and has been introduced and reinforced by the wider Mikyoan society, which tends to value lighter complexions and skin colors within all groups.
Among Pacific Islander Mikyoans, however, the issue is especially obvious in Pacific Islander Mikyoan communities due to the wide variety of skin colors and appearances which people within the group have. Skin color tends to vary by ethnicity (particularly with mixed Pacific Islander Mikyoans being more privileged in skin color), wealth, social status, and other factors, however the wider trend is that light skinned Pacific Islander Mikyoans are viewed as more friendly, calm, intelligent, and professional than dark skinned Pacific Islander Mikyoans, who are typically viewed as more violent, rude, cold, and less intelligent and professional.
This issue continues to both subtly and obviously affect the treatment that Pacific Islander Mikyoans receive by police, teachers, employers, doctors and other health professionals, colleagues and coworkers, and other people who fill important social roles.
A variety of religions are practiced by Pacific Islander Mikyoans, however the most common religion is Christianity. As of January 21st, 2019 the most common religions practiced by Pacific Islander Mikyoans are:
Christianity - 72,568 (59.48%)
> Protestantism - 31,267 (25.63%)
> The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints - 29,586 (24.25%)
> Catholicism - 7,204 (5.90%)
> Other Christianity - 4,511 (3.70%)
Irreligious - 29,553 (24.22%)
Buddhism - 14,602 (11.97%)
Hinduism - 2,004 (1.64%)
Other - 4,276 (3.50%)
Mormonism (The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints) is the second largest branch of Christianity practiced by Pacific Islander Mikyoans, due to the influence of western missionaries on Mikyo, which has particularly targeted Pacific Islander Mikyoan, Indigenous Yaeyama, and Lyko Mikyoan communities. Most Mormon missionaries first began to arrive in Mikyo during the Yobosu-Era, however the number significantly increased during the 2000s and early 2010s, which has caused the number of Pacific Islander Mikyoans who are members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints to rise from 9.5% in 2000 to 24.3% in 2019.
Various languages are spoken by the Pacific Islander Mikyoan community. The most common language spoken by Pacific Islander Mikyoans is Penghu, spoken by around 40,000 Pacific Islander Mikyoans, followed by Fijian, Mikyoan, Chinese, Chamorro, and others. Penghu is the 17th most spoken language in Mikyo.
Most Pacific Islander Mikyoans speak the language of their immediate surrounding, for example Pacific Islander Mikyoans living in predominately Penghu areas speak Penghu. This also results in Pacific Islander Mikyoans who live in primarily Chinese-speaking areas to speak Chinese or some pidgin version of a Chinese language. Due to assimilation many Pacific Islander Mikyoans also speak Mikyoan as native language.
Music, Art, and Entertainment
Pacific Islander Mikyoans have been involved in Mikyoan music, art, and entertainment for centuries, due to their long history in the country. While acting roles for Pacific Islander Mikyoans are limited and often portray narrow minded or stereotypical views of Pacific Islander Mikyoans, a number of comedians, singers, and film-makers have managed to reach success on online platforms, often with fanbases which are primarily or made up in large part of Pacific Islander Mikyoans.
1 - Indigenous Yaeyamas